The Dirty Reality of Indian Politics- PART -I
“Power does not
corrupt. Fear corrupts... perhaps the fear of a loss of power.”
— John Steinbeck
In the world’s largest democracy, political leaders gain control, even if they are accused of serious crimes, control great wealth and have an unchallenged advantage due to a failing justice system. Even as India’s numbers in the digital world and space succeed, there is a darker fact: many of its criminal lawbreakers are in charge of the government.
There is no exaggeration here. Democracy is now being crookedly sold in India, as corrupt elites and obsessed thinkers buy and sell it.
Act I: Crime and Power—Partners in Parliament
Crime and Power — Partners in Parliament
Parliament is designed to be where wisdom, vision and service are the highest priorities for India’s government. As a result, it now operates more like a safe haven for perceived wrongdoers than as a place for justice. Lately, the temple of democracy in our nation has become a court where individuals who break the law sit on the jury.
The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) reports that forty-six percent of the 543 MPs elected in 2024 have declared criminal cases before or after being elected. What’s even more alarming, 31% of victims encounter major criminal allegations like murder, rape, kidnapping and offences against women. Sadly, it’s a systemic problem that has affected all of America’s largest political parties.
This investigation finds that the pattern goes beyond normal. We are seeing an increase in criminalization within politics, not the other way around. In the 2004 general election, only one quarter of MPs faced criminal allegations. By 2019, that number increased to 43%. The number reached 46% in 2024. If the pattern continues, there may soon be a Parliament where every other lawmaker has been in court beside problems—while also being able to make and approve laws, budgets and direct policy for more than 1 billion people.
The impact of this crisis is not imagined. You can see the effects of war almost instantly, in your eyes and on the faces of others. Several of these MPs are targets of many FIRs, not because they were involved in political protests, but for committing crimes such as rioting, grabbing land, assault and murder. It’s not a group of dissidents being ideological. These are powerful men who have mastered the election process to avoid being punished.
For example, Mukhtar Ansari, the Uttar Pradesh MLA, had a long list of criminal charges, from extortion and other crimes, ending with murder. Politically active for two decades, he ran in elections from behind bars and stretched fearful control, only to be convicted in 2023. Recently, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, leading politician in the BJP who had been a wrestling federation head, faced allegations of sexual harassment by seven athletes—but it took months for anything to happen to him after protests around the country about it.
The unfairness in this system is not a passing error—it’s built into the system. Politicians from all sides have often seen criminal offences as a plus instead of something to hold against them. Candidates who are yet to have their cases decided often pay for their own campaigns, lean on gangs and physical power in their areas and threaten others into voting in their favour. According to statistics from ADR in the 2019 elections, candidates accused of serious crimes were 15.5 percent more likely to win their elections, compared to those without any charges.
Why? Because crime and power have become partners in the system. A politician facing charges for a crime can use their position to avoid going to trial which parties also use to secure tougher seats. After winning elections, MPs govern key committees, draught new criminal laws and may be included in top Cabinet positions. They help approve new anti-corruption laws even though they face charges of corruption. At the same time as they make laws about women’s safety, they are also accused of sexual violence. It’s ironic, of course. Few living now remember the outrage of those times.
Behind this disturbing trend is an unusual legal rule: under Indian law, the ban against election participation by a politician applies only if the person has been convicted, not before. Because on average it takes 15–20 years for public figure cases to be resolved in court, this weak rule helps protect those who break the law multiple times. Most politicians never encounter a judgement during their political work. Before justice is done, some people lose their lives.
The ruling from the Supreme Court in 2013 to remove members of Parliament immediately upon conviction was widely seen as daring. Yet, only a few weeks later, the government tried to unwind it with an ordinance. The move was suspended after public criticism and Rahul’s alliance with activists, but it showed that all parties unite when protecting their own.
It goes beyond morality—today, climate change endangers our safety, too. Frequently, criminals in politics involve their gangs in public offices and authority, distort local administration, steal police and land records and produce parallel centres of power that weaken the nation. Regions represented by these figures regularly have poor development, more crime and increased breakdowns in order and law. As a result of their power, the entire idea of representative government is changed into a way for politicians to earn money for themselves.
What makes this even more troubling is how regular it has become. People tend to choose the lesser of two candidates when politics boils down to counting caste and spending money. When parties ignore clean options and institutions do nothing, choosing between the corrupt and the criminal becomes the only option. Some people vote simply to avoid trouble and some do so to keep favours going. It all ends up the same: Parliament looks like a courtroom, yet all accused are judge, jury and executioner.
India’s democratic system is in serious danger. When those creating laws break them often, the difference between official power and gangland crime is no longer clear. The trust in organisations begins to fade. The system of laws is degraded. Energy companies are sending out a blunt message to younger generations: use influence, but don’t worry about being clean.
Unless we face this issue, unless the government bans accused people from politics, India may end up with a government controlled by the accused.
The Parliament has never been intended as a haven for those accused of crime. The people trusted officials should not be allowed to break the Constitution.
Act II: Crime Is Not a Bug—It’s a Feature
Crime Is Not a Bug — It’s a Feature
Now, the link between politics and criminality in India happens deliberately and smoothly. It is nothing to do with a system problem. The system is what matters here.
Across the political spectrum, political parties have allowed criminals to join them, promoted them and, in a number of cases, used them as main campaign support. Many of these individuals play important roles in the party, serving as security, raising money, motivating members to vote and enforcing its demands.
What makes this take place? Power is the reward of crime and crime defends that power. This cycle is able to grow in a democracy marked by costly elections, serious caste and communal difficulties, low government capacity and corrupt or broken accountability.
In a number of places, politicians have to be effective at influencing voters, quieting the competition, intimidating those who disagree and avoiding burdensome systems to win. Facing severe criminal charges, politicians build fear in the public to gain obedience and parties use such individuals to make followers stay loyal. For serving their purpose, these individuals are offered the chance to get involved politically, become ministers or are given asylum.
ADR has demonstrated, more than once, that candidates with a criminal past tend to do better in elections than those who do not have one. The percentage of MPs with serious criminal accusations in their history climbed from 21% in 2014 to 29% when the Lok Sabha election was held in 2019. Those with ethical challenges on their records were three times more likely to succeed compared to candidates who didn’t have them. There is no doubt about the message: being involved in criminal activities in politics is beneficial, often very so.
As a result, parties commonly pick candidates with past criminal accusations for exactly this reason. A person accused of assault or land-grabbing is still capable of becoming a political leader—they’re seen as effective, not a problem. Previous wrongdoings by a politician are often used to prove they are ready to defend their caste, religion or party’s territory. According to fascism, using violence makes someone righteous and only fear makes them strong.
In high-stakes, charged states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and West Bengal, the presence of such candidates increases greatly. Nearly 57% of legislators chosen in the 2020 Bihar assembly election were dealing with criminal charges. In Maharashtra, nearly two-thirds of people were vaccinated. But this matters in politics everywhere, not just locally. A lot of these individuals gain national recognition and later become Members of Parliament or even ministers.
A clear example is Anant Singh, who used to be an MLA in Bihar and was nicknamed "Chhote Sarkar." Even though Singh has been accused of murder, illegal extortion and dealing in illicit arms, he managed to get elected after being captured bragging about what he did. As recently as 2020, those items were found in his house by the police, yet his place in politics remained strong. Why? Since he is still respected as a leader and a problem-solver—proof that loyalty to a local leader is more powerful.
It becomes even worse: many voters find that the only justice available is through unofficial, violent and political actions. If public services or safety aren’t provided, people may saw that a “fixer” politician is better than one with no scandals. In many rural communities, disputes are settled, resources distributed and order maintained by the local don who is now a member of the legislative assembly. Rule of law disappears and is replaced by rule of the unnotorious.
These people are also at the centre of funding for political parties. Holding elections in India is very costly. The Centre for Media Studies found that the 2019 election for the Lok Sabha cost over ₹60,000 crore, the highest of any election in India to date. Many of the dollars are not traceable, as they result from people with illegal activities or who work with criminal organisations. As a result, these funders get back party tickets, contracts, security from law enforcement and occasionally Cabinet positions.
Keep in mind that if a politician is involved in crime, it’s almost certain that bureaucracy and police will be influenced in matters of transfers, postings and investigations. As a result, they commonly face lower charges, longer procedures or no charges at all. Being a complainant is more like being put on trial, while the accused avoids punishment. It takes a very long time for legal institutions to move or sometimes they don’t move at all.
The Supreme Court and the Election Commission agree that this threat is serious, though their actions have been slow, careful and frequently ineffective. Repeated reminders have failed to get political parties to explain in detail their reasons for standing candidates with criminal records. Reforms in the area of elections, including banning MPs from office if such charges are filed, have been voted down by Parliament, led by MPs who could be expelled from office if such a change was made.
It is the lawmakers themselves who are most helped by the rotten system they should be trying to clean.
The changes won’t be complete in one year; they didn’t happen all at once. Over many years, the people leading political parties in India moved from freedom fighters and intellectuals to musclemen, criminals and members of political families. Although this change happened little by little, it was planned. Previously, people gained political power by being committed to ideology or serving the public, but today it is fear, caste influence, amount of wealth and collective corruption that matter.
Therefore, we shouldn’t continue to act as if political criminality is just an accident or caused by a couple of wrongdoers. It happens systematically, is purposely done for financial benefit. Design is the reason, not a mistake in the product.
India’s democracy is gradually weakened by those elected to lead, not by sudden changes or foreign forces, because those in power see behaving illegally as a way to climb higher, rather than something forbidden.
The answer is not if we can succeed; it’s how we will. There’s a question about if we want to continue. The reason is that solving the problem means standing up to major figures. We need to pass new laws, support lawful bodies and ensure we never choose a criminal to govern, no matter how appealing a candidate looks.
The system will keep supporting the wrongdoers, penalising the honest and making it clear that choosing crime can get us far in politics.
Act III: Bureaucracy—From Steel Frame to Paper Puppet
Bureaucracy — From Steel Frame to Paper Puppet
When India attained independence, people viewed its bureaucracy as the key organ that ensured lawfulness and government stability no matter what happened in politics. Depending on the year, you can notice that the steel has weakened and rusted. Currently, India’s system of governance resembles a piece of undressed, flexible paper that politicians can fight, fold and bend to suit their liking.
What was once something respected in Indian administration is now a part of the way power, corruption and compromises play out.
In essence, the Indian bureaucracy was built to work independently, fairly and according to the Constitution—free from interference by politicians. But when politics became filled with crime and corruption, the bureaucracy also began to suffer. It ended up being a simple way for political leaders to promote their own plans, put down protests and allow looting.
There is a hidden, deliberate process behind this change. Everything starts with smart ways to manage transfers and postings which support the future of all civil servants. Bureaucrats in the IAS and other similar services are often judged by their obedience to unethical instructions, not by how well they do their jobs. A clean and upright officer may be moved many times per year due to opposition, whereas a devoted cadre will be promoted quickly.
As an example, Ashok Khemka, an IAS officer in Haryana, was shuffled to different roles more than fifty times because he rejected corrupt practises and uncovered illegal land deals. Or Sanjiv Chaturvedi, an officer working in the IFS, was suspended and attacked after revealing corruption at AIIMS. They received no penalty for cases that went wrong—they suffered for acting with honour.
Because of their insider status, certain officers are rewarded, staying on our side even as they are promoted or given a retirement role in high places. Young civil servants are clearly told: it is fine to ignore their conscience, but solid loyalty is required.
This issue is most visible in the police organisation. Almost all police officers, according to the Status of Policing in India Report, say they have felt political pressure on the job.
Over two-thirds say that elected leaders often disrupt investigations. For this reason, it’s not surprising that cases involving members of the government or their helpers are treated less seriously or just set aside. Often, the political elite cause police to manufacture cases against opposition leaders, protestors, activists and journalists.
We’ve noticed this trend happening in places across the country. Organisers of protests against the CAA in Uttar Pradesh experienced police violence and cases of illegal detention. Under various governments in Maharashtra, the police have functioned as a hit team for political forces. In West Bengal, the party in power has made a habit of using the state police to silence political rivals. This is not how a state should function; it’s abuse and harassment by those who should protect citizens.
Making matters worse, corruption is now widespread throughout the state bureaucracy. As per Transparency International, India stood 93rd among 180 countries in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index. Approval for land, mining, health plans and government building projects can see bureaucrats accept bribes along with ministers and those involved in the contracting process. Seldom does a day go by without hearing of states and services where you can pay to work in lucrative departments.
Still, the consequences are very severe. If bureaucrats, politicians and criminals join forces, the state does not work for the people. Some people go hungry, pensions are frequently delayed or never granted, homes are often unsafe and schools are only for the privileges few. Powerful groups exploit public funds and can easily pay off those in authority, making sure poor citizens stay held back. In the mining, real estate and health industries, the combination causes both financial problems and damages to nature and people.
In Madhya Pradesh’s Vyapam scam, officials and politicians manipulated recruitment exams for many years which resulted in many unexplained deaths and failing dreams of many others. And in Chhattisgarh, millions of rupees that should have gone to feeding people were stolen by officials and politicians. These things happen more than once. Such problems result from bureaucracy itself being involved, damaged and held back.
Central services, for example, the Enforcement Directorate (ED), Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and Income Tax Department, are now misused by politicians against their rivals. Leaders from the opposition are raided only weeks ahead of elections. Social media posts land activists in gaol. Even so, many who support the government go unpunished, despite having overwhelming evidence against them.
Many rulings by the Supreme Court acknowledge and criticise the mistakes these agencies have made. In 2021, Justice Deepak Gupta pointed out:
The principal responsibility of bureaucracy used to be to benefit the public and the Constitution, but today it serves the politician.
It is not just government that suffers; trust is also destroyed. People now think of bureaucrats as suppressors or crooks, not as supporters of the public good. Breaking that trust is the point at which democracy begins to deteriorate.
We need to preserve India’s beauty. Future hopes for the country are tied to institutions as much as to elections. An accountable government is built on having a truthful and independent bureaucracy among its institutions.
We have to bring urgent changes to the steel frame to stop it from folding like a paper puppet.
• Tenure security to stop officials from being transferred by officials in the central government
• Boards not controlled by the government for choosing and moving civil servants
• Protections for whistle blowers given by law
• A clearer picture of how departments work
And above all, a firewall separating workshop bureaucrats from political leaders
For now, India’s steel frame will keep bending, fracturing and bleeding from the weight of its own leaders.
Act IV: Justice Delayed, Justice Denied
Even though India has constitutional rights for liberty, equality and justice, many people still find these rights invisible. The collapse of fair justice shows up most prominently when the accused are part of the political elite or hold great power.
India's courts face the real-life challenge that justice delayed truly means justice denied.
Foundation community investment planning relies on figures. Currently, more than 5 crore cases are waiting to be resolved by India’s courts and 70,000 are trapped in the Supreme Court. High Courts are struggling with tens of millions of cases and lower courts have even more to deal with. The NJDG has found that there are more than 1.8 crore cases that have been waiting more than five years for their outcome. Others go on for decades, leaving many victims out of sight.
Here, in the world of delayed justice, the wealthy are the main beneficiaries. It often takes time for the ordinary citizen to get justice. Yet when politicians are charged with major crimes, those wheels either become stuck or unexpectedly move in the other direction.
The Association for Democratic Reforms found in 2019 that 159 MPs in the Lok Sabha had declared criminal charges against them and 73 faced charges like murder, rape, kidnapping and extortion. Time and again, these investigations and trials are held up for years, due to delays caused by exchanging judges or vanishing evidence. The case never reached a decision; it was never finished..
This situation is not random; it’s planned.
Delay protects people. With every adjournment, presidents hold onto their office for another year, contest another election and can always claim innocence by arguing their cases have not been decided. Politicians often try to stop or delay investigations, steer witnesses to say things that help them and make sure the system takes a long time, knowing too late justice delayed is a kind of excuse.
For instance, Manoj Sinha, the MLA candidate running in Bihar, is involved in charges of attempted murder and kidnapping, among other things. It has taken more than 12 years for his trial to happen. Those testifying have altered their storeys, case files seem to have disappeared and important hearings have been regularly delayed. In the meantime, Sinha keeps contesting elections and usually comes away with a victory.
Feel free to look at the Lalu Prasad Yadav fodder scam which was first uncovered in the 1990s. Even with evidence and many official charge sheets, it took nearly two decades before the family’s patriarch was convicted and his political status remained strong.
They are not getting justice. It is not really accountability at all.
Once the cases reach trial, it becomes clear there is a serious flaw in the outcomes. More than a third of MPs and MLAs facing criminal accusations were exonerated in 2020 for lack of clear evidence or hostile witnesses, according to ADR. In a lot of these examples, witnesses began to act against the accused after there were changes in government which suggests politicians can influence prosecutions.
These delays result in part from courts being under-prepared to deal with the large caseload. Only about 21 judges are found in India for each million people, while the United States has about 107. Many courts are in serious need of repair, there are too few judges and having many cases for judges makes legal speed a pipe dream. Vacations, paperwork and old laws all work together to make the process unnecessarily prolonged.
But there’s more to the problem. When judges attempt to act with force, especially against big groups, they are often criticised, threatened or even attacked. If judges don’t obey political pressures, they may be overlooked for promotions, reassigned or suddenly meet with strange misfortune. The case that became globally known is the 2014 murder of Judge B.H. Loya, who was hearing the Sohrabuddin Sheikh case in which a top politician was implicated. After his death, many unanswered questions came up.
Sometimes, when handling politically sensitive situations, the Supreme Court has shown unusual care, sometimes even making compromises. In several big cases about electoral bonds, sedition laws or divisions based on religion, delays in giving a verdict have let politics as usual go unchallenged.
A slow or inactive judiciary is not always innocent of doing harm. A postponement of a court decision for six months in a nation where elections are held annually can unfairly help the person being accused. Putting justice on hold is used as a weapon, defended by the failure to act.
While rich people control their schedules, poor people seldom have one. If found guilty of theft, a tribal farmer faces 5 years behind bars, but a corporate fraudster accused of embezzling over ₹5,000 crore is permitted to leave gaol in a short time. An under-trials prisoner is at risk of losing their life in custody before a hearing, but a politician faces gaol time for inciting riots goes on campaign for their next task.
Having two sets of rules destroys justice as we believe in it. It brings about mistrust, hopelessness and indifference. When people expect no help from the courts, they may either not try to fix injustices or look for help by using force, informal group decisions or help from certain politicians. Consequently, justice becomes accessible just to the wealthy and only those in power can claim what is right.
to be continued...
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